Like an iceberg, 1995 cont., “Secrets”

Like an iceberg, 1995 cont.: “Secrets”

Puvirnituq River. (PHOTO BY JANE GEORGE)

Puvirnituq River. (PHOTO BY JANE GEORGE)

At 8 a.m. in early December, the sun finally rose in Puvirnituq, lighting up a strip of greenish sky between the cold clouds and the hills beyond the river. Over the surface of the frozen water, snow billowed on to the land.

During the day, all was calm, but at night, it was a different scene: young people raced around on snowmobiles, kids congregated in front of the arcade.

One kid held a long piece of metal in his hands — that’s what he used to open the valves on gas tanks to sniff the vapours.

Near the school a man with a history of molestation stood in the shadows. Not far away, three girls huddled around a gas tank. Screams filled the air as a man dragged a woman into a house by her hair. Although everyone probably knew what’s going on, it was as if it never happened.

The community was still reeling from revelations of widespread sexual abuse, which first came to light during the troubled spring of 1993, when two men, one white, one Inuk, were arrested on nearly 100 charges relating to sexual abuse of many young people, aged three to 18 — nearly one-fifth of all the children in Puvirnituq. The men had been buying sexual favours around town.

For years they played “games” with the community’s children. They gave them money to keep it a secret. This silence was broken when an adult overheard a conversation between two little boys.

“Did he do that to you?” one boy asked.

“Yes,” said the other. “And did he pay you, too?”

After that, two other men were arrested on more charges of sexual abuse involving still more children.

On the surface, in 1995, Puvirnituq residents appeared to be getting on with their life. In the carving shop of the local co-operative association, two men were sorting through caribou antlers. A woman came in and carefully unfolded a small package wrapped in newspaper — a carving of a bird, its wings perfectly bended inward, its beak to the sky.

Children play outside in Puvirnituq, 1995. (PHOTO BY JANE GEORGE)

Children play outside in Puvirnituq, 1993. (PHOTO BY JANE GEORGE)

Outside, a little girl, in a bright jacket and patterned sealskin boots, trailed after her mother. They greeted me as I passed by. Further down the street, a group of kids were playing a lively game of street hockey, using blocks of snow for goals.

It was hard to imagine anything but good times in this northern community.

So, how did sexual abuse happen there on such a wide scale, why did no one say anything, and why did sexual abuse still go on, with one young boy found suffering from genital warts around his anus?

“A lot of people knew that one of those men who was arrested had been exhibiting himself in his window for years. When you spoke to most of the people, they tried to say it was a rumour,” a social worker told me in 1993.

A dog walks in the snow in Puvirnituq in December, 1995. (PHOTO BY JANE GEORGE)

A dog walks in the snow in Puvirnituq. (PHOTO BY JANE GEORGE)

“But, of course, everyone knew it.”

“Here, every time you see a dog crossing the street too fast, everyone knows it,” he said.

“But the concept of the secret — even if it hardly exists in the Inuit language — is deep inside every Inuk.”

Starting late in 1993, a team comprising local youth protection authorities, social workers from the local health clinic and community members started to delve deeply into Puvirnituq’s darkest secrets, thanks to a six-month, $450,000 emergency fund from Quebec.

The sexual abuse team set up shop in Puvirnituq’s old school. There, community workers, Lucy Napartuk and Elisapee Uitangak, welcomed me on a stormy afternoon to talk about their work.

They were wearing pins, made of twisted pink and blue ribbons, with a knot in the middle. The knot stood for parents who protect their children.

Napartuk and Uitangak said symbolic efforts like the pins, a poster and a parade appeared to have been successful in raising Puvirnituq’s consciousness about sexual abuse.

“If anyone sees this ribbon,” said Napartuk, “It means no sexual abuse. Sexual abuse is not acceptable.”

Napartuk said the work she had been called on to do was very difficult. She had to help break the news to parents that their children had been sexually abused.

“It was so ugly,” she said. “It was as if I was hitting them with an iron bar. Even though we didn’t have any experience with this, we still knew what to do. We gave them hope.”

These two community workers met with children who were sexually abused. They prepared files on each child and held regular healing sessions for victims and parents.

This large carving of a mother and her child made by Peter Ittukallak stands outside the Iguarsivik School in Puvirnituq. (PHOTO BY JANE GEORGE)

This large carving of a mother and her child made by Peter Ittukallak stands outside the Iguarsivik School in Puvirnituq. (PHOTO BY JANE GEORGE)

“Meeting the children is very difficult. They don’t talk,” Napartuk said. “The people are hurting. They’re trying to forget about it. But it’s in there.”

Most told me that they feared the consequences of talking about sexual abuse and receiving ridicule, banishment, or even violent revenge from irate relatives.

When they did talk about what they or others had done, usually it was in a group situation, such as the community meetings I’ve seen, where there is more support and less personal danger. That’s because they knew, and I learned, that to be secure by yourself, you have to shut your mouth and keep the silence.

And my study of Inuktitut  also suggested another barrier to breaking the silence: Inuktitut demands an incredible precision of detail. So, before you can talk about anything, you have to know exactly when it happened, who did it and to whom and whether or not you had any prior knowledge of the event.

“I have to be very sure of all the details before I can say anything,” an Inuk friend told me.

That’s why wasn’t surprising that knowledge of matters like sexual abuse usually remained — and remain — unspoken. Feelings, speculations or accusations can be difficult to communicate in Inuktitut — and this also seems to make many Inuit more suspicious of third-party reporting by journalists like me.

It’s also hard to speak up because family bonds also link each person to the other, complicating loyalties. As I learned in my language class, there’s that tradition of passing on names, giving each newborn the name of a deceased friend or relative and all the relationships that person had during life.

Adoption between families is quite common, too. So, almost all Inuit in any given community are related, somehow.

Puvirnituq was like a huge, interconnected family, not easily unraveled — and only crossed at risk. It’s not easy to accuse a member of your family of a wrong, it never was. In 1996, I learned how people who speak out find themselves in deep trouble.

The next instalment of “Like an iceberg” goes live April 25 with “Hard lessons.”

You can read previous instalments here:

Like an iceberg: on being a journalist in the Arctic

Like an iceberg, 1991…cont.

Like an iceberg, 1991…more

Like an iceberg, 1992, “Shots in the dark” 

Like an iceberg, 1992, “Sad stories”

Like an iceberg, 1993, “Learning the language of the snows”

Like an iceberg, 1993 cont., “Spring”

Like an iceberg, 1993 cont., “Chesterfield Inlet”

Like an iceberg, 1993 cont., more “Chesterfield Inlet”

Like an iceberg, 1994: “Seals and more”

Like an iceberg, 1994, cont., “No news is good news”

Like an iceberg, 1994 cont., more “No news is good news”

Like an iceberg, 1994 cont., “A place with four names”

Like an iceberg, 1995, “More sad stories”

Like an iceberg, 1995 cont., “No place like Nome”

Like an iceberg, 1995 cont., “Greenland”

 

Like an iceberg, 1995 cont., “No place like Nome”

Like an iceberg, 1995 cont.: “No place like Nome”

In July 1995 in Nome, Alaska, the Kingikmiut Dancers of Alaska took to the stage, moving to the beat of drums. This group from King Island, or Ukivok, had revived Inupiat songs, dances and drumming not seen or heard for more than 50 years since the United States Bureau of Indian Affairs closed the school on Ukivok, leaving the children to attend classes on mainland Alaska.

By 1970, all King Island people had moved to mainland Alaska to live year round.

Occasionally the Kingikmiut drummers stopped the catch the beat of songs they were relearning and the dancing stopped.

But the Inuit audience in Nome cheered wildly, rising to join in with the dance. So did I.

The main street in Nome, Alaska, 1995. (PHOTO BY JANE GEORGE)

The main street in Nome, Alaska, 1995. (PHOTO BY JANE GEORGE)

I’d come to Nome because Inuit from Canada, Alaska, Greenland and Russia were there to discuss the Inuit way of life at the general assembly of the Inuit Circumpolar Conference (now Council,) representing the 150,000 or so Inuit living within four nation-states.

Long white banners stretched above the main street in Inuktitut, Yupik, Inupiat, Greenlandic, French, English, Danish and Russian — the languages spoken by Inuit across the Arctic region.

“We must continue to reach out to each other,” said Alaskan speaker George Ahmoagak to the assembly delegates. “We are all northern peoples who have survived quantum leaps into the future by holding on to the past.”

Inuit Circumpolar Conference meeting takes place in the high school gymnasium in Nome, Alaska, in July, 1995. (PHOTO BY JANE GEORGE)

Inuit Circumpolar Conference meeting takes place in the high school gymnasium in Nome, Alaska, in July, 1995. (PHOTO BY JANE GEORGE)

At the meeting, held in a local school gymnasium, he shards his vision of how Inuit from Russia to Greenland could be strong in their own backyards by working with private enterprise, not through community-based efforts. Ahmoagak’s speech, spoken in his all-American English accent, struck a positive note among delegates — but the view outside sent a different message to me.

Nome’s wide main street, lined with flat wooden buildings, looked more like a frontier Gold Rush outpost than a modern town of 4,000. In Nome, unpaved roads, deep in mud, led through a maze of aging houses. “Nome is a great junkyard, perhaps the world’s greatest dump heap per capita,” a traveler wrote in the 1930s.

Antlers are stacked up by the shore of the Bering Sea in Nome, Alaska. (PHOTO BY JANE GEORGE)

Antlers are stacked up by the shore of the Bering Sea in Nome, Alaska. (PHOTO BY JANE GEORGE)

Things were still pretty much the same more than 50 years later. As I walked around the rusting trucks, snowmobiles, pieces of mining equipment and whalebones strewn between the houses, I couldn’t help thinking that history can be hard to change.

The Russian Inuit visiting Nome cried out for help: No one was paying salaries anymore, people had no money for hunting equipment and even small children were drinking.

“It is a catastrophe. If we share our problems, maybe we can find our solutions,” said the deputy mayor of the Chukotka community of Provideniya to ICC delegates.

Meanwhile, every evening the Polaris, which Nomites had dubbed “the hotel from hell,” offered a distraction from my own problems. In those pre-email days, work was driving me crazy because the four-hour time zone difference between Alaska and eastern Canada made it hard to meet deadlines or communicate with editors.

Every day I went to the Polaris late in the evening when I couldn’t work any longer, usually sitting with members of the Canadian delegation and the Greenlandic cultural delegation.

At the Polaris, a three-piece band always played country music under flashing Christmas lights. It was a lively place, with lots of beer flowing: A delegate from Labrador even passed out under the table one night.

On another evening, a tall Greenlander dressed in black gave me an appraising look as I settled at the table with a beer. I suddenly feel embarrassed to be a journalist, at a bar, but Kuupik Kleist  — who later became the premier of Greenland  from 2009 to 2013 — said only that “it’s good to see journalists out.”

The Polaris Bar in Nome, Alaska, as shown on the website of the Polaris Hotel

The Polaris Bar in Nome, Alaska, as shown on the website of the Polaris Hotel.

When I stepped outside the Polaris, it was way past midnight, but the sun was shining brightly. I had more fun at the Polaris than back where I was staying, crammed into a corner on the floor with four other journalists: The contacts I make at the Polaris were lasting.

As for the assembly, that was a roller-coaster, even more for me because I knew only a few of the players in 1995. Aqqaluk Lynge of Greenland, a poet and politician, described by some ICC delegates as a man of strong contrasts and convictions, and by others as a “desperate and bitter” man, was set to become the international president of the ICC.

Aqqaluk Lynge makes his pitch to ICC delegates in Nome in July, 1995. (PHOTO BY JANE GEORGE)

Aqqaluk Lynge makes his pitch to ICC delegates in Nome in July, 1995. (PHOTO BY JANE GEORGE)

But the Alaskans and Russians were uneasy about his socialist politics and reputation as a hard drinker.  The Canadian Inuit promoted Rosemarie Kuptana as a compromise president —a Canadian who would promote unity among Inuit, they said.

But Kuptana, who comes from the Inuvialuit region of Canada’s western Arctic, didn’t speak Inuktitut and Lynge, who spoke several languages fluently, played on that — “I will not be taken by the English language to adopt resolutions with ICC,” he told the ICC delegates in his pitch for votes.

Lynge also urged delegates not to worry about the personal lives of candidates, as he suggested they vote with their hearts for the best future president.

“The kissing time is over,” Lynge said before the voting started. “We’ve been married [since the ICC was founded in the 1980s] for over 15 years, and you know what kind of problem that is.”

On the third ballot, Kuptana won. Later, in 1996, citing personal and health reasons, Kuptana resigned, and Lynge, then the ICC vice-president, assumed the position of ICC president that he was denied in Nome, remaining there until 2006. And in 2010 Lynge once again was chosen as ICC president.

On the 13-hour charter flight back to Iqaluit in July 1995, I was sitting next to Lynge, whom I would get to know well only later. However, we didn’t speak at all. Lynge looked exhausted, muttered something I couldn’t understand, and crawled under a blanket to sleep for the entire flight.

Outside Nome, Alaska in July, 1995. (PHOTO BY JANE GEORGE)

Outside Nome, Alaska in July, 1995. (PHOTO BY JANE GEORGE)

The next instalment of “Like an iceberg” goes live April 23.

Did you miss the first blog post of “Like an iceberg”? You can find it here.

You can read other instalments here:

Like an iceberg, 1991…cont.

Like an iceberg, 1991…more

Like an iceberg, 1992, “Shots in the dark” 

Like an iceberg, 1992, “Sad stories”

Like an iceberg, 1993, “Learning the language of the snows”

Like an iceberg, 1993 cont., “Spring”

Like an iceberg, 1993 cont., “Chesterfield Inlet”

Like an iceberg, 1993 cont., more “Chesterfield Inlet”

Like an iceberg, 1994: “Seals and more”

Like an iceberg, 1994, cont., “No news is good news”

Like an iceberg, 1994 cont., more “No news is good news”

Like an iceberg, 1994 cont., “A place with four names”

Like an iceberg, 1995, “More sad stories”