Like an iceberg, 1993, “Learning the language of the snows”

Like an iceberg, 1993: “Learning the language of the snows”

In May 1993 I was in Iqaluit, the largest community on Baffin Island, a place that I couldn’t find on a map two years before on my first trip north in Canada.

I was already on my second visit to Iqaluit, the first, only two months earlier, to work on a radio documentary on the creation of Nunavut, still six years away. And I was still throwing together radio and print freelance contracts to cover the cost of my travel and try to earn a living.

Work on radio documentaries for CBC’s national network, Radio-Canada, the Globe and Mail and other media allowed me to attend a three-week intensive Inuktitut program at Nunavut Arctic College.

Nunavut Arctic College in Iqaluit, May, 1993, (PHOTO BY JANE GEORGE)

Nunavut Arctic College in Iqaluit, May, 1993, (PHOTO BY JANE GEORGE)

There, I hung out in the hallways between classes, with that dazed feeling I hadn’t felt since high school. By 9 p.m., when the last class ended, with my brain full of Inuktitut, I could barely see straight. But then it was time to hit the books.

The group of 18 students was a teacher’s dream: We were patient and we listened attentively. That’s because we all wanted  to learn Inuktitut.

I’d already studied Inuktitut for a year with help from anthropologist and Inuktitut-speaker Louis-Jacques Dorais at Université Laval. Most of my fellow students at Arctic College also had a basic knowledge of the language.

“You’re crazy to waste your time learning Inuktitut,” more than one person told me. “Isn’t it enough to speak English and French in Canada?”

But they’d obviously never visited a small Arctic community where all of the social life is conducted in Inuktitut. All of us in this class had been hampered by not knowing what’s going on or being able to join in.

I believed then that Inuktitut would become the language of tomorrow’s Arctic, because the creation of Nunavut was just around the corner: In 1999, Nunavut was to be carved out of the Northwest Territories.

My classmates included a few teachers from remote areas of Baffin Island — they wanted to be able to speak with students and their parents, a research scientist who spent months in the North out on the ice floes,with Inuit companions he’d like very much to talk with and learn from, an Anglican minister who needed to read the psalm book printed in Inuktitut syllabics to his congregation, two business managers and a company executive who wanted to talk to employees in their own language and understand what was happening on the job.

I wanted to understand older Inuit who rarely speak English. I wanted to more creatively pass away my hours spent waiting for the weather to lift by practicing Inuktitut. I wanted to know what’s happening. I kept thinking about Peter Murdoch and the other non-Inuit I knew who speak Inuktitut — if they could do it, I could, too.

In this class we learned, according to our text book, that Inuktitut has a complicated grammar whose many conjugations rival those of Finnish, a language that I learned just by hearing it spoken every day.

However, as adults, mastering how to speak clearly in Inuktitut about where we’re coming from and where we’ve been took hours.

One of our instructors — we hd four every day, teaching in shifts — got us down on the floor. We each chose a conveyance — an airplane, a snowmobile, a truck, a boat, a canoe or a dog sled, which we had to navigate in Inuktitut across mountains, over rivers and to and from various places — places such as Pond Inlet, whose Inuktitut name means where the hunter Mittima lived.

We became children again in this exercise, wrestling with such phrases as “Going by Twin Otter, I was on my way to Pangnirtung,” the place with bull caribou.

Every day, we dreaded dictation. A typical day’s 15 words included nunanngunngaujunga, the innocuous, but impossible, “I am going to his land.”

But we had fun, too, writing a soap opera whose action took place on the floe edge. And, to learn how Inuktitut answers a negative question, we sang “Oh yes, we have no bananas” in Inuktitut — that was a favourite teaching tool of our teacher Mick Mallon, who first learned Inuktitut in Puvirnituq in the 1960s.

My fellow student Stuart Innis, a research scientist with the Department of Fisheries, who died in a helicopter crash near Resolute Bay, Nunavut in 2000, and Mick Mallon, longtime Inuktitut teacher, relax after a day in the intensive Inuktitut course held at Nunavut Arctic College in Iqaluit in 1993. (PHOTO BY JANE GEORGE)

My fellow student Stuart Innis, a research scientist with the Department of Fisheries, who died in a helicopter crash near Resolute Bay, Nunavut in 2000, and Mick Mallon, longtime Inuktitut teacher, relax after a day in the intensive Inuktitut course held at Nunavut Arctic College in Iqaluit in 1993. (PHOTO BY JANE GEORGE)

At the same time, we learned that the grammar of sentences in Inuktitut wasn’t always the same, even within one paragraph: Some elements are left dangling, their context being the reality outside, which the speakers intuitively know, and make reference to.

Alexina Kublu speaks to students in the intensive Inuktitut class at Nunavut Arctic College in 1993. (PHOTO BY JANE GEORGE)

Alexina Kublu, who would later become Nunavut’s official languages commissioner, speaks to students in the intensive Inuktitut class at Nunavut Arctic College in 1993. (PHOTO BY JANE GEORGE)

Another  instructor, Alexina Kublu, who worked with Mallon on the textbook that serves as our guide, spent a lot of time trying to explain family relationships. She explained that each Inuk bears the name of a dead relative and actually becomes that dead person, inheriting his or her relationships as well.

“I would like my mother to live in Igloolik,” an Inuk uncle might say to a new mother, she said, giving her baby his late mother’s name. And, if your daughter has your great-aunt’s name, you might end up calling her “Mother,” especially if that aunt was like a mother to you.

The southerners, called Qallunaat in Inuktitut, imposed a new naming system. First, it was new names from missionaries, followed by government-issued numbers on “Eskimo” tags in the 1950s, and finally by new surnames in the 1970s.

Because family names were assigned almost at random, closely related families may bear completely different names today. That confused what was, to Inuit, an entirely understandable system.

“Do these relationships make it hard for a mother to discipline someone who is her grandfather?” asked a teacher-classmate, mulling over problems in his community.

I was thinking, if I ever understand this language, will I see the North more clearly?

Mary Wilman teaches the Inuktitut names for the parts of the body during an intermediate class in Inuktitut at Nunavut Arctic College in 1999. (PHOTO BY JANE GEORGE)

Mary Wilman, who would later serve as the mayor of Iqaluit. teaches the Inuktitut names for the parts of the body during an intermediate class in Inuktitut at Nunavut Arctic College in 1999. (PHOTO BY JANE GEORGE)

 

Jocelyn Barrett, Sylvia Cloutier and Siu-Ling Han participate in an exercise during the 1999 Intermediate Inuktitut class at Nunavut Arctic College in Iqaluit, which involves "shooting" the right person, according to the command in Inuktitut. (PHOTO BY JANE GEORGE)

Jocelyn Barrett, Sylvia Cloutier and Siu-Ling Han participate in an exercise during the 1999 Intermediate Inuktitut class at Nunavut Arctic College in Iqaluit, which involves “shooting” the right person, according to the command in Inuktitut. (PHOTO BY JANE GEORGE)

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

A few years later, I took another course at Arctic College at an intermediate level, with a small group of students taught by Mary Wilman of Iqaluit and Mallon.

After this course, I could listen to the radio more easily, watch television, have a simple conversation, even take down Inuktitut telephone messages and put a trilingual message on my voice mail message.

My improved understanding of the Inuit language did save me one day, when at an airport in Nunavik, I heard the Air Inuit agent saying that there is only one more seat on the small airplane, but there were many people on the stand-by list — which included me. I dashed up to the counter and made the flight.

I upgraded my skills in Inuktitut enough to understand the flow of comments at meetings and to answer questions. Once I sat in the bar in Kuujjuaq, Nunavik’s largest community, where you hear more Inuktitut than in Iqaluit, and struck up a conversation with the woman sitting next to me in Inuktitut.

“But you don’t look like you speak Inuktitut,” she said.

My teachers at the intensive Inuktitut course held at Nunavut Arctic College in 1993: Alexina Kublu, who went on to become Nunavut's Official Languages Commissioner, and Mick Mallon, who pioneered Inuktitut teaching in the Eastern Arctic. (PHOTO BY JANE GEORGE)

My teachers at the intensive Inuktitut course held at Nunavut Arctic College in 1993: Alexina Kublu and Mick Mallon, who pioneered Inuktitut teaching in the eastern Arctic. (PHOTO BY JANE GEORGE)

The next instalment of “Like an Iceberg” goes live on April 9.

You can read the first blog entry from April 2 here.

You can find previous instalments here:

Like an iceberg, 1991…cont.

Like an iceberg, 1991…more

Like an iceberg, 1992, “Shots in the dark” 

Like an iceberg, 1992, “Sad stories”

 

Like an iceberg, 1992, “Sad stories”

Like an iceberg, 1992: “Sad Stories”

On that day in Puvirnituq, sometime during the fall of 1992, at 7 a.m. the Air Inuit 748 circled overhead before it turned down the coast to the South.

From the air, in the gray light, nothing distinguished this village from any other in northern Quebec. The rows of nearly identical houses huddled together in a few tight lines on the tundra.

Few lights were on at this hour. A woman, pale in a white parka, riding around on an all-terrain vehicle, was the only person out and about. The first real noises of the morning came from water and sewage trucks plugging into houses.

A view of Puvirnituq in the fall of 1992. (PHOTO BY JANE GEORGE)

A view of Puvirnituq in the autumn of 1992. (PHOTO BY JANE GEORGE)

Snow fell in quiet spirals. Only a few days ago, the land was a mottled brown, gray and orange. Cool yellowish sand, rocks, withered Arctic cotton flowers and a few spindly grasses were now covered in white. Through the new snow, small groups of children walking to school made less noise, even as they called to each other.

By 9 a.m., from the Inuulitsivik hospital, that metallic form on the horizon, an electronic hum as computers and fax machines sprang to life. Scores of all-terrain vehicles were waking up, too. A woman with a child on her back and another in front raced by. She finally came to a stop in front of the Northern store, where the heavy doors swung open and shut all day, to a background of loudly chiming cash registers.

Huge bulldozers and front-end loaders rumbled behind the half-finished shell of the new school. The noise of a crane lifting a long metal girder broke up the constant whine of power tools. Not far away, in a small white tent, a small sound was drowned out: a soapstone carver filed and scraped a piece of stone. Suddenly, it became a seal under the ice, a bear above, peering down a small hole.

At noon, all over the village, there was a moment of quiet. Life stopped every afternoon when the television soap opera “All My Children” came on.

I was learning how Puvirnituq’s stories of death among young people rivalled the soap opera’s roller-coaster plots. Puvirnituq was then the suicide capital of the industrial world, with a suicide rate 2,000 times higher than the South’s, 16 suicides in one year in this community, whose population in the early 1990s was around 1,000.

I heard about a young girl who was found face-down, dead, just the week before my arrival. She had been sniffing inhalants, I was told, or maybe she sniffed too much on purpose. I heard lots of other suicide stories from teenaged girls and boys who hang out in the kitchen of the place I was staying.

“He broke up with his girlfriend … so he shot himself … it’s to draw attention … the suicides only happen in summer … he was sniffing hairspray and didn’t know what he was doing.”

I spoke with a young guy called M., a tall, gangly teenager with a soft voice. He told me that he lost four friends to suicide in that year.

“I never knew about it beforehand. It was a shock to me. They were gone the next day,” he said.

He said it’s because there are too many things to do in Puvirnituq, not too few.

“Three things we never had before have had a tremendous effect,” he said. “These three things are television, the arcades and liquor. These three are the common problems. Oh, yes. And sniffing. That’s the fourth thing. It’s very big.”

He said nothing seems to be getting better for young people in Puvirnituq who are swallowed up by these activities: They don’t talk much to their parents or each other.

He told me about his cousin Deedee. She became pregnant and her boyfriend was in jail. She wasn’t ready to become a mother, he said, so she killed herself. She was 16.

“And I tried to kill myself,” M. added in a matter-of-fact voice. “While I was unconscious, the rope around my neck snapped and I fell to the floor, and when I woke up, I was having a lot of pain. I could hardly breathe. I was disappointed at first.”

But afterwards, he said he felt that it might not have been a good solution, because people would have missed him.

I was taken off guard by M.’s confession about his failed suicide attempt, but I was even more surprised when a social worker I was talking to in the hospital about Puvirnituq’s suicide prevention programs began to talk about her own son, who recently died by suicide.

She leaned over to speak into the microphone, as if I wasn’t there.

“He never seems to have problem. He never seems to talk about it. It was very hard at first. I’m trying to learn to accept it,” she said.

She thought about leaving social work, she said, but decided that she could help others. She said she still didn’t understand what went wrong with her son.

“He didn’t have a sniffing problem. He didn’t have a drug problem. He didn’t drink. He didn’t smoke. He wasn’t violent at home. He was really a good boy, until his dying day. I didn’t know. I keep on asking, ‘Why? why?’ As long as I live, I’ll ask ‘Why? why?’ My son died. Will I suffer a long time? Will I want to live for a long time? I don’t want to forget him.”

All the parents feel the same, she said.

“We were supposed to move,” she said. “I said. “No, I don’t want to move from my house, because my son is holding all of us here. I want to touch where he was touching, stand where he was standing. I don’t want to run away from my son, here he was. When I think about it, it seems that he was holding all of us, he was such a good son. I keep talking to others how it feels. So, I’m getting stronger and stronger. Life is life. We’re not alone in the world, crying.”

I couldn’t understand why people talked to me, a journalist when I turned the tape recorder on. People talked so openly, yet I always had trouble — and still do — understanding why these young Inuit wanted to kill themselves. Later I would experience the overwhelming wrath of people at a big meeting of Makivik Corp. which could make me understand how vulnerable you can feel in a small northern community.

The cemetery in Puvirnituq, 1992. (PHOTO BY JANE GEORGE)

The cemetery in Puvirnituq, 1992. (PHOTO BY JANE GEORGE)

The next instalment of “Like an iceberg” goes live April 8.

You can read the first blog entry from April 2 here.

You can read other previous instalments here:

Like an iceberg, 1991…cont.

Like an iceberg, 1991…more

Like an iceberg, 1992, “Shots in the dark”