Like an iceberg, 1994 cont., “A place with four names”

 Like an iceberg, 1994, cont.: “A place with four names”

It was a smooth trip: I left Montreal at 9:40 a.m. and the jet arrived in Great Whale on the tip of James Bay in northern Quebec by 1 p.m. But the cloud ceiling was low, so we made a wide circle over the Great Whale River and then over the long beach that runs up the Hudson Bay coast, north and out of sight.

An aerial view of the Great Whale river at the site of the community of Kuujjuaraapik and Whapmagoostui. (PHOTO/ NUNAVIK-TOURISM)

An aerial view of the Great Whale river at the site of the community of Kuujjuaraapik and Whapmagoostui. (PHOTO/ NUNAVIK-TOURISM)

Rain swept across the runway in Great Whale, the community called Kuujjuaraapik by Inuit, Whapmagoostui by Cree and Poste-de-la-Baleine by Québécois. Some called it the “Miami of the Arctic,” but I was cold and dripping wet after riding to a friend’s house from the airport on her all-terrain vehicle.

My arrival coincided with Quebec election day: Sept. 12, 1994, which saw a Parti Québécois win. In the community’s triple gymnasium, three polling stations were set up, for Cree, for Inuit and for non-Aboriginals, a reminder that these three groups generally live dseparate lives despite being neighbours.

No Cree had voted by mid-afternoon, although the Inuit and non-Aboriginal turnout was good.

In pouring rain, I walked to the band council office where I ran into the chief, Matthew Mukash. He says he’s not voting, although a Parti Québécois win didn’t worry him.

Mukash said a PQ victory could put more focus on outstanding issues between Quebec and the Cree — such as Cree political autonomy and the $13.3-billion hydro-electric complex that its power corporation, Hydro Québec, wanted to build on the Great Whale River.

The Great Whale river in 1994. (PHOTO BY JANE GEORGE)

The Great Whale river in 1994. (PHOTO BY JANE GEORGE)

“I think we’re possibly looking at a resolution of some kind in regards to this issue of separation. Their issue of separation involves our right to separate,” Mukash said.

Mukash and four other Cree were on their way to Nemaska Lake in the heart of the James Bay Cree region. On the day after the Quebec election, they planned to hold a special gathering to talk about their future at Old Nemaska, a campsite more than an hour and a half away by truck and boat from today’s Nemaska. It was a place which Hydro Québec planned to flood for the project: Cree opposition to the project was why their meeting was to take place there.

I decided to accept an invitation to tag along. So I was back at the airport the next morning when the sun was shining — at least.

My Cree traveling companions arrived. They brought their own stoves along with a tent, and our bush float-plane was loaded to the top with gear. After we finally landed  on the lake, I had a moment of uncertainty as I took my bag off the shore to find tent space to sleep in: What was I doing?

There was no electricity, no phones, no way to file a story or even talk to an editor or producer, so I decided the next day to head back to Nemaska, a community that was all sand, towering pine trees and birches by the shores of smooth, blue Champion Lake.

The Cree Regional Authority building in Nemaska. (PHOTO BY JANE GEORGE)

The Cree Regional Authority building in Nemaska. (PHOTO BY JANE GEORGE)

At the goose-shaped Cree Regional Authority headquarters, I ran into Ted Moses, the Cree ambassador to the United Nations. On my first trip north in 1991, I had gone spring goose hunting with Moses and his family. This time, we weren’t talking about the how-to of goose hunting, but about self-determination.

“They say we have no more rights, which is a bunch of bullshit,” Moses said. “Can you hand over such things to an institution?”

Later that afternoon, the truck ride back to the place where we will catch the boat to Old Nemaska felt endless on the grey, bumpy road. Then, there was the boat ride — again — to bring us over the lake to the camp.

I arrived too late for supper but someone offered me a roasted goose breast. I crawled into my sleeping bag on a cushion of evergreen branches to spend a restless night. The tent fire went out, the temperature dropped, and  I was barely warm enough.

Dawn in Old Nemaska, September 1994. (PHOTO BY JANE GEORGE)

Dawn in Old Nemaska, September 1994. (PHOTO BY JANE GEORGE)

In the morning the rising run gave the fog an orange tinge. A boat with a fisherman drifted by. Plumes of fragrant smoke rose from the stoves in every white tent.

In the afternoon, a few long tables were set up in a blue and white tent for the delegates, people of all ages, all Cree.

“Our government is not the provincial government, not the federal government, but us here,” said an elder.

“The question facing us is can we govern ourselves if Quebec becomes independent? The answer is yes,” Moses told them.

I then headed back to Nemaska, again a three-hour round-trip, to file another story.

Canoes approach the camp in Old Nemaska. (PHOTO BY JANE GEORGE)

Canoes approach the camp in Old Nemaska. (PHOTO BY JANE GEORGE)

A sunny day for the next day: a line of canoes arrived across the lake from another community, small dots that finally grew bigger, and then landed. The slapping of the water combined with a prayer of thanks for their safe arrival filled the air.

Talks continued: a Cree declaration of self-determination would be the next step.

At the feast that night there was sturgeon, moose and smoked bear paw on the menu. Later the weather changes, and rain and wind battered the tent. No plane could land to take us back.

In the morning, I headed across the lake in the small boat overloaded with people, crouching under a plastic tarp, hoping we wouldn’t capsize, to hitch a ride on a truck back to Nemaska. I was beginning to recognize every turn in that long road road.

In Nemaska for the night, I spoke to Mukash again.

“The power of the mind can make miracles,” Mukash said. “The Great Whale hydro project will never be built. Hydro Québec has made a mistake, although they won’t admit it.”

Mukash sketched a picture of the mind, with the conscious, sub-conscious and super-conscious: it turned out that he was a fan of Swiss psychiatrist Carl Jung.

“They will never build it.”

A delayed plane arrival also led to a talk with Robbie Dick, a former band chief of Whapmagoostui. Cree, he said are “guardians of the land.”

“If you take a plane from the southern part of the United States up to the North, you’ll see the difference between north and south. This excavating, this raping of Mother Earth has to stop.”

Makivik Corp. president Simiunie Nalukturuk and vice-president Zebedee Nungak at the 1994 signing of an agreement-in-principle on the future construction of the Great Whale hydroelectric project. (PHOTO BY JANE GEORGE)

Makivik Corp. president Simiunie Nalukturuk and vice-president Zebedee Nungak at the 1994 signing of a $500-million agreement-in-principle on the future construction of the Great Whale hydro-electric project. (PHOTO BY JANE GEORGE)

We finally took off to Great Whale. There, I spent the afternoon walking around, heading down to the river. If that power project went ahead, the river’s flow would be diverted 40 kilometres upstream and the river would be reduced to a trickle.

Inuit had already signed an agreement-in-principle, worth $500 million, to allow the project to move forward — but the newly-elected PQ premier, Jacques Parizeau, put the project on ice in November 1994.

Before heading off to Nemaska with the Cree, I had been planning to fly on to Sanikiluaq to visit a former classmate in the intensive Inuktitut course in Iqaluit. But the yearly season of autumn fog descended and flight after flight was cancelled. So I finally decided to return to Montreal.

The next instalment of “Like an iceberg” goes live April 18.

You can read previous instalments here:

Like an iceberg: on being a journalist in the Arctic

Like an iceberg, 1991…cont.

Like an iceberg, 1991…more

Like an iceberg, 1992, “Shots in the dark” 

Like an iceberg, 1992, “Sad stories”

Like an iceberg, 1993, “Learning the language of the snows”

Like an iceberg, 1993 cont., “Spring”

Like an iceberg, 1993 cont., “Chesterfield Inlet”

Like an iceberg, 1993 cont., more “Chesterfield Inlet”

Like an iceberg, 1994: “Seals and more”

Like an iceberg, 1994, cont., “No news is good news”

Like an iceberg, 1994 cont., more “No news is good news”

Like an iceberg, 1994 cont., more “No news is good news”

Like an iceberg, 1994, cont.: “No news is good news”

I decided in 1994 to do a documentary on Nunatsiaq News for CBC radio’s national media program, “Now the details,” about the difficulties of journalism in the North. For this program, which required my spending hours with the newspaper’s staff during its production, I forged an even closer professional relationship with the newspaper. That’s because the Nunatsiaq News was often a target for high-level threats, too.

The way Iqaluit looked when I first arrived there. (PHOTO/ FACEBOOK)

The way Iqaluit looked when I first arrived there. (PHOTO/ FACEBOOK)

“Often comments are made in front of other media that are referring to us. That’s a messenger service. It’s a kind of back-door intimidation which frankly doesn’t work,” the  newspaper’s publisher, Steven Roberts, said in an interview.

In one instance, the Nunatsiaq News was pulled off airline flights to the eastern Arctic when there was a story about a plane crash involving one of the airline’s aircraft.

And members of political organizations often called in to complain either about specific journalists or their stories’ content.

“This is how the game is played. In the North, the way to influence the media is to intimidate them: it’s not to work with them, it’s not to make the media’s job easier so they can report. The tack taken is to make it harder for the media to do their job and hopefully they’ll forget about the story,” Roberts said.

So, I learned that I was not the only one who had a tough time getting information: Journalists who continued to report “negatively” or completely on issues that leaders or communities would prefer not to make public could be ostracized.

As a result, many northern journalists and news organizations simply chose to avoid certain subjects.

In some respects, this was not surprising: in the not-so-distant past, news was simply transmitted by word of mouth. This sort of first-person reporting was the way a hunter might talk about a recent adventure.

When news was told in this “first-hand” fashion, it was grounded in personal experience. People always could believe it, and, as French polar explorer Jean Malaurie noted in his classic tale of Greenland, The Last Kings of Thule, “each item of news, each scrap of information a hunter imparted, had both practical and moral value.”

So, modern-day reports on abuse or other forms of violence, delivered by media, as a third party, were perceived negatively and even as not being truthful or “factual.” These reports were — ands still often are — also viewed as hurtful.

During my interviews the staff at the newspaper told me what I’d already experienced first-hand — that when efforts to control media by threats, coercion or self-censorship fail, journalists will often simply be thrown out of meetings. The impact of news stories could create a debate with disastrous consequences for leaders, so it was in their interest to be the first to say that “news” was not part of traditional Inuit culture.

Political dealings between Inuit and southern-based Canadian governments hadn’t helped create a tradition of open communication, either, and land claim agreements were negotiated behind closed doors, not in a public fashion.

The political reality — where the land claim organizations administer huge sums of money —  led to a situation where powerful political figures also control much of the economy — so, why not control of the media as well?

Nunatsiaq News from 1993.

A Nunatsiaq News cover from 1993.

“If we are going to be threatened, we’re going to tell our readers that’s what’s happening. ‘If you notice we’re not covering these events anymore it’s because this has happened, we have been warned off, we have been threatened that if we do this, our business may be hurt.’

“Up until now, we’re managed to take on all these challenges head-on. I’m not going to say that there are winners and loser in this, but the day that we face a situation that we’re unable to handle, it’s the readers that have the right to know first,” Roberts said.

But not all Inuit were opposed to the revelations of southern-style journalism.

“I always think about you,” an Inuk broadcaster told me in the 1990s. “When I’m in a tough place, running up against powerful people, then I remember that it’s important to talk even so.”

“There were things we couldn’t talk about then to see our society grow. Today, it’s different and we have to talk about certain issues people are uncomfortable with, but we have to talk about it for future generations to be create a good society, like the society we had 100 years ago,” said another woman I know.

Sometimes, I would even get calls at home, from Inuit I met, telling me not to give up, so I didn’t.

You can read the first part of “No news is good news” here.

The next instalment of Like an iceberg will go live April 17.

You can read previous instalments here:

Like an iceberg: on being a journalist in the Arctic

Like an iceberg, 1991…cont.

Like an iceberg, 1991…more

Like an iceberg, 1992, “Shots in the dark” 

Like an iceberg, 1992, “Sad stories”

Like an iceberg, 1993, “Learning the language of the snows”

Like an iceberg, 1993 cont., “Spring”

Like an iceberg, 1993 cont., “Chesterfield Inlet”

Like an iceberg, 1993 cont., more “Chesterfield Inlet”

Like an iceberg, 1994: “Seals and more”

Like an iceberg, 1994, cont., “No news is good news”

Like an iceberg, 1994 cont., more “No news is good news”